The Kallyanpur Killings: Inside the Orchestrated Execution of Nine Youths from DB Custody

Even if someone is hanged for committing a crime, the family never refuses to take the body. But the incident at Jahajbari in Kallyanpur more than eight years ago was an exception.

In that so-called “anti-militant” operation, nine youths were killed by police bullets. They were in DB custody. Before nightfall, in a twilight atmosphere, they were taken out from DB. They were taken to Jahajbari. At dawn the next day, just after the Fajr adhan, they were brutally shot dead. The families were not given the bodies. Instead, they were handed over to Anjuman Mufidul Islam. Among the dead, some were garment workers, some students. Seven of them were from poor families.

Upon investigating this horrifying event, a brutal picture has emerged. Were these youths militants or were they portrayed as such? Why weren’t they arrested earlier, why were they killed and their bodies not handed over to families, the staged shootout by police—all these issues have surfaced in the investigation by Amar Desh.

The police ‘operation’ was conducted at Taj Manzil, known as ‘Jahajbari’, on July 16, 2016. After killing the youths, police, as usual, claimed—“When we knocked on the door... they started firing bullets and throwing grenades... in self-defense...”

The investigation reveals that under the guise of anti-militant operations, the young men were killed in a highly calculated and cold-blooded manner. These youths were in DB custody. From there, they were taken and executed. This was used by the fallen authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina as an Islamic militant card.

Businessman Sheikh Md. Selim Hossain saw them being taken from DB. He was also detained in the notorious Aynaghar. He was the first to expose information about Aynaghar. He witnessed the unfortunate youths being taken away from DB before being killed at Jahajbari.

Selim’s Shocking Testimony

Selim was confined for a long time in a small cell to the right inside the old building of the Dhaka Metropolitan Detective Police (DB). He had been taken there from DGFI’s Aynaghar. From the door of that cell, he could clearly see people coming and going throughout the day. He could also hear the sound of the TV installed for the police.

One afternoon, while standing at the cell door looking outside, he witnessed the incident. That day, Saddam and Maulana Abul Kashem were in the same room with him—both accused of being involved with the banned JMB.

“Our cell was the first in the old DB building, a small one. I was standing by the grill at the door. Everything was visible from there,” Selim began describing the incident.

Then a large police van reversed in front of the cell. One by one, Selim saw about 10–11 young men being loaded into the van.

“All wore black panjabis. Their eyes were blindfolded with black cloths, faces uncovered. The plainclothes police were holding several black flags. After loading the youths into the van, they covered it with a tarpaulin and left,” said the eyewitness.

Sheikh Selim told Amar Desh, “Besides the black cloths, they had twisted pieces of the same material like flags. All the police were in plain clothes. The back of the vehicle was aligned with our door. They were loaded through that door. Two or three plainclothes officers went with them. Their hands were bound with cable ties. Like plastic clips. As each one was loaded, we stood at the main door watching. The flags were twisted. Their heads were covered in black cloth. Their eyes were blindfolded with black cloth. They were not shackled at the feet.”

Who Were These Young Men?

Sheikh Selim, who previously revealed explosive information about DGFI’s ‘Aynaghar’ to national and international media, was one of the key eyewitnesses to the loading of the 10–11 young men from DB. He provided shocking information about them to Amar Desh. He is a whistleblower from the notorious Aynaghar.

His statement has been verified by Amar Desh. Through this, a previously unknown chapter of the staged militant drama during Sheikh Hasina’s regime has come to light.

Separately, Marzan—proclaimed by police as a mastermind of the Holey Artisan attack—was also seen by Selim tied under a chair in a small DB room long before he was said to be killed in a shootout.

Selim’s testimony suggests that the horrific grenade-gunfight at Kallyanpur’s Jahajbari, which caused an international stir, was entirely a staged act by police. He described how the youths were already in DB custody, dressed in black panjabis and trousers, blindfolded, and later taken away. Selim also named several other witnesses who saw them being taken.

Currently, Sheikh Selim is under political asylum abroad.

Another eyewitness in this incident, a youth named Jahangir Alam alias Rash—whom police claimed to have captured after a shootout during his escape from Jahajbari—was shot and killed by prison authorities in Kashimpur Jail on August 5, during the July uprising.

Saddam and Nurul Islam alias Marzan were also killed in so-called shootouts by the Counter Terrorism Unit in Mohammadpur’s Beribadh area.

How They Were Taken from DB to ‘Jahajbari’

Sheikh Selim said, “When the incident occurred (Jahajbari), I was brought from Aynaghar to Mintu Road. I was first kept in a cell at DB. It had no windows, only a grill door. There was a toilet inside. We often stood inside. That day, looking out, I saw a police van covered with a tarpaulin. Those youths had their eyes blindfolded with black cloth, wearing black panjabis. Eyes covered but faces exposed. About 10–11 were loaded. One of the older detainees in that cell, named Saddam, stood at the gate and said, ‘These are my companions. They won’t be returned today.’”

“Later I saw them being loaded into the van. Once loaded, the tarp was dropped. They were taken away. The next day... there was a TV inside... I saw on the news that they had been killed in a crossfire.”

“After I was released and moved to Malaysia, I saw on the news that Saddam and Marzan had been killed in a crossfire at Beribadh. They were with me—meaning Saddam was also a witness. They were saying, these guys will not be kept. They’ll be finished. They’ll be given a crossfire today.”

“When I was sent to Keraniganj jail from DB... I met one of the 10–11 boys I had seen being taken away. One of his legs was limping. I can't recall whether it was the right or the left. He walked with a stick. He said that they were first brought to Kallyanpur and all were shot. His leg was shot too—he was kept alive to be used as a witness. He said, 'I was young, that’s why they didn’t kill me.' Then I told him, ‘We saw you that day.’ He replied, ‘Yes brother. They took us here at different times. Some two years ago, some a year ago.’”

Sheikh Selim gave more information in support of the DB custody and the killing of those youths.

He said, “I also met another boy. His name was Khaled Saifullah. His home was in Madaripur. His father was probably a teacher. He also knew about the incident.”

“Who else saw this?”

“I saw. Saddam was with them. Saddam was supposed to be taken too. But he wasn’t. Another person saw it too, his name was... (he couldn't remember). He was from Jessore. A short, good-looking homeopathy doctor from there. He was later sent to Kashimpur 4. I later met him in court.”

Searching his memory further, Selim added, “The time was around 4 to 5 or 5:30. The sun was just about to set.”

He said, “The day before this incident, Monirul Islam came in plain clothes with his team.”

“Who were the police on the day they were taken?”

“I couldn’t recognize them.”

Police Had Captured Marzan Earlier

Selim had seen Marzan, known as a mastermind of the Holey Artisan case, in a DB isolation cell. He had also spoken with him.

Recalling the incident, Selim said, “Inside the DB office, they took us inside a container and beat us. They didn’t beat me. They took me in there with another boy. They beat that boy. Around iftar or dinner time, they gave us food in that room. After giving us food, they locked the container from behind. We were sitting inside. Marzan’s eyes were tied with a towel, his hands handcuffed to a chair. He was made to crouch under the chair. He stayed under the chair with his head down. During meals, they opened one of his hands and tied the other to the chair. They untied the towel from his eyes. Later, when the police left after locking the door... we ate. We both had handcuffs and Marzan was tied to the chair. After eating, he talked to us. He said, ‘My name is Marzan. They caught me long ago and kept me here. They even caught my father, but I can't fully remember.’ After I was released and went to Malaysia, I saw Marzan and Saddam had been given crossfire.”

“When did you see Marzan—what month, year?”

“Maybe June–July. 2016.”

“Was Marzan in DB during the Holey Artisan incident?”

He firmly said, “Yes.”

“Do you remember the exact date you saw him?”

“No, brother.”

Selim said, “At that time, the wife and child of a chef from an Australian restaurant were also in DB. The child wouldn’t eat anything except expensive food. The wife and child of a dismissed Major (name withheld) were also in DB. To catch that Major, his wife was used to make phone calls.”

“There were also two other people. A teacher from North South University and his house manager. A student from BRAC University. Two Hindu men were also detained, accused of financing militants. Several expatriates were also caught. One of them had his bones broken with a hammer. I saw another boy who had been brought there three or four years earlier. He used to sleep on the table. Another boy was there. His brother was supposedly an army officer. That boy was accused in an arms case. One of the officers involved in the commando raid during Holey Artisan was his brother. DB officers respected that boy. He was reportedly caught with weapons. You can ask that boy too.”

“I witnessed everything firsthand. If needed, I’m ready to testify in court,” Selim said.

He added, “Since I was brought from Aynaghar to DB, I had no watch or mobile with me. So there might be some discrepancy in timing in my description.”

“You saw Marzan? Are you sure?”

“Oh brother, I am 300% sure.”

After Cold-Blooded Killing of Nine Youths at Jahajbari, Police Kept Repeating Lies to Justify the Militant Narrative

Among the nine killed, a youth from Satkhira named Motiur Rahman’s father, Nasir Uddin, later attempted to file a case against the police in court. But the Satkhira court rejected his petition. Motiur’s father was not even allowed to see his son's body.

The same fate awaited the families of the other deceased. Threatened by police, none of them could claim the body of their beloved child.

Police claimed they were killed in a gunfight. But was there really a prolonged exchange of fire that night? Did the youths throw grenades from behind closed doors? If it was a face-to-face gunfight, how did all the victims get shot in the back—six or seven bullets each? How many firearms did the youths have to keep shooting all night? These questions have been addressed in Amar Desh’s investigation.

The so-called militant story of that night from the police, along with statements from the then home minister and top police officials, show major inconsistencies when compared with the charge sheet and seizure list.

Analysis of the supposed organizational links between the accused, descriptions of the police operation, ballistic and forensic reports, eyewitness accounts, family statements, and expert legal opinions reveal a significant gap between the police’s version and the actual facts.

Who Led the Raid and Where Are They Now?

A key figure among those who led the sudden block raid was then Mirpur Zone’s Deputy Police Commissioner Jasim Uddin Molla.

Do you recognize him?

He was accused of killing 137 people in Mirpur during the July Uprising. He is a major accused in the genocide case filed against 37 people including fugitive Sheikh Hasina. Jasim is also accused in at least 35 other cases involving brutalities during the July Uprising against students and civilians.

It appears that Jasim and other police officers staged the drama of “grenade attacks and intense gunfights” in the narrow, congested building to justify the brutal killing of the nine youths. Ostensibly, these “false flag” political operations were aimed at sustaining power with Western support by fabricating stories of militant resurgence in Bangladesh and suppressing Islamists to fulfill India's agenda. The goal was also to silence dissent and weaken political opposition.

To legitimize the Jahajbari massacre, police concocted stories of connections to the Islamic State (IS) and the newly rebranded JMB. Then DMP Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia told journalists about the victims, “Judging by their appearance and attire, they seemed to be highly educated.”

But in reality, seven of the nine were from very ordinary families. Their families didn’t have the courage to question the brutality of Hasina’s police.

Only two among the deceased were from solvent families. Their relatives have gone into hiding under police pressure. Visiting their addresses in Dhanmondi and Gulshan yielded no contact.

In the villages of the remaining seven, there was not a single complaint or allegation from neighbors, local administration, or anyone else.

Even the prosecution witnesses presented by police were from humble backgrounds—and now they are nowhere to be found.

The Bogeyman of Militancy

Allegations abound that after forming government in 2009, the Awami League began launching one so-called “anti-militant” operation after another to retain power. The entire machinery of the state—including the media—was employed to make these operations appear credible. Several media outlets, without any investigation, simply echoed the government’s statements. Many youths from remote rural areas, mostly from poor families, lost their lives in these “false flag” operations. They lacked the means or strength to challenge the government.

The primary architect of this anti-militancy narrative was Sheikh Hasina’s son, Sajeeb Wazed Joy. Before the 2008 national elections, he co-authored an article titled “Stemming the Rise of Islamic Extremism in Bangladesh” with writer Carl Ciovacco in a foreign magazine.

In it, Joy wrote:
“…although the legitimacy of the ruling structure was politically damaged by the two-year emergency military rule (the Fakhruddin-Moeenuddin government), Islamic ideology may pose the greatest threat to the country’s constitution and secular foundation. … To ensure long-term secularism and democracy, the Awami League must implement changes that actively suppress Islamist elements. If successful, Bangladesh under Awami League leadership could become a global example of secular governance in a Muslim country.”

He even portrayed Islamist presence in the army in a negative light in that article.

Since Sheikh Hasina’s assumption of power in 2009, the propaganda of anti-militancy operations intensified. After brutally suppressing Hefazat-e-Islam’s grand rally in Dhaka in 2013, the Hasina government became more aggressive. Following the bloody and mysterious Holey Artisan anti-terror operation, nine young men were killed at Jahajbari.

Contradictions in Police Reports

Following the Jahajbari killings, police First Information Reports (FIRs), charge sheets, and seizure lists clearly revealed numerous inconsistencies and misleading information about the operation.

The day after the so-called operation, Inspector (Operations) Shahjalal Alam of Mirpur Model Police Station filed an FIR. Two years later, on December 5, 2018, Investigation Officer Mohammad Jahangir Alam of the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit filed a charge sheet against ten individuals.

The FIR stated:
“During a block raid in Kallyanpur, when we knocked on the door of the flat on the fifth floor (west side) of house no. 53, road no. 5 (Taj Manzil) at around 00:35 hours, the suspects did not open the door but instead threw several grenades and fired shots to instill fear in the police. ASI Dil Mohammad was injured. Police then took positions in front, back, and on various floors of the building. After the grenade explosion, two militants opened fire and tried to flee. One was arrested wounded. Later, militants inside continued to hurl grenades and fire bullets intermittently, chanting jihadist slogans. When SWAT arrived, the militants responded with intense gunfire and grenade attacks. SWAT retaliated to protect public and private property and neutralize the threat. After nearly an hour-long exchange, SWAT entered the room and found nine dead militants and recovered explosives, detonators, firearms, jihadist books, sharp weapons, and other items.”

The same language was repeated in the charge sheet.

But analysis of the FIR and charge sheet showed that police repeatedly mentioned the militants throwing grenades from inside a closed room down a narrow staircase. Claims of setting fire and intermittent gunfire were also made. Yet not a single officer standing just a few feet from the door was injured by grenades—something crime experts find unbelievable.

To reexamine the claims, on November 10, a team from Amar Desh visited Taj Manzil. With the small door of that flat shut, it remains a mystery how anyone could have thrown grenades out. Was there really any grenade attack?

Let’s examine the police seizure lists to clarify this issue.

Inspector Shahjalal Alam, who filed the FIR at Mirpur Police Station, mentioned two seizure lists. The same lists were submitted in court. Nowhere in either list is a grenade mentioned.

The first seizure list included everyday items like knives, screwdrivers, ropes, two cleavers, bullet casings, and 430 empty rifle cartridges along with 15 pistol cartridges.

The second list mentioned: four pistols with magazines, a total of 14 rounds of pistol bullets, one spent casing, three switchblade knives, and several knives (five with wooden handles).

Eyewitness Doubts the Grenade Story

Jahangir Alam, a longtime resident of Kallyanpur, told Amar Desh, “How could those youths throw grenades from behind a closed door? It’s a very weak script. Even if you accept that shots were fired through a window, how could grenades be hurled down a narrow stairwell repeatedly? It’s just not believable.”

Suspicious Witness Testimonies

Most of the witnesses in this operation were police officers. In addition, the homeowner, their family members, local security guards, and a few young men were also shown as witnesses.

According to police, several ordinary citizens stood by and watched the intense grenade attacks and gunfire—an unlikely scenario during what was described as a deadly confrontation.

Under Section 161 of the Criminal Procedure Code, an analysis of witness statements reveals striking contradictions.

First witness: Md. Suman Mia, a 25-year-old resident of Shahid Minar Road, Kallyanpur.

In his statement, he said:
“…I learned that during the block raid, militants on the fifth floor (west side) of the building began throwing hand grenades and shooting at the police. ASI Dil Mohammad was injured. Later, two militants tried to escape via the west/north corner balcony’s grill gate. One was shot in the leg by ASI Dil Mohammad and fell. The other escaped. Police captured the wounded one. When the militant attack ceased at dawn, police entered the corridor and found nine militant bodies. Some of them had pistols, sharp knives, cleavers, and grenades. I went upstairs with police and saw it. I signed both seizure lists.”

Notable point: ASI Dil Mohammad was supposedly injured by a grenade, yet he managed to shoot and capture a suspect fleeing via the ledge.

Similar statements were given by several other locals. Yet the seizure list contains no grenades at all.

This raises another serious question:
After such an intense exchange, how did the deceased still have pistols and knives in their hands? This question was raised by netizens in 2016, but the authorities never responded.

Second witness: Md. Wasim (22), a staff member of Garden View, Kallyanpur.

In his testimony, he said, “I heard from people and learned that during the gunfight, when the militants stopped firing and throwing grenades, SWAT and police entered the fifth-floor corridor and found nine dead militants. Some of them held pistols, knives, sharp weapons, and black grenades were lying on the floor along with other items. I was present as a witness. Police made two seizure lists. I signed both.”

The house owner’s wife Momtaz Parvin (60), son Mazharul Islam (39), and guard Zakir Hossain (43) were also witnesses in the case.

All claimed that “police knocked on the door, and they threw grenades from inside,” but none of them saw it happen. Despite not even knowing what a grenade looked like, all gave identical statements.

The homeowner’s son Mazharul gave an oddly detailed testimony:
“I was sleeping on the second floor with my wife and two daughters. After midnight, I woke up hearing boot sounds, voices, and then gunfire. I learned that police had arrived, and there were militant terrorists on the fifth floor. They threw grenades and fired at the police. Police returned fire. We were terrified. Around dawn, heavy gunfire resumed. It sounded like the building would collapse. Eventually, we heard that nine militants were killed.”

Noteworthy: Despite such a deadly clash, not a single police officer was injured.

The Story of the Militant Climbing Down a Pipe

Police testimonies in the case are even more unbelievable.

During the operation, police claimed that two militants attempted to escape. One was shot and captured.

First police witness: ASI (Unarmed) Masudur Rahman from Mirpur Model Police Station said,
“I was stationed with the team in front of 53 Jahaj Building. I saw two militant terrorists descending the cornice of the building. One of them had a weapon. I fired four rounds from my service pistol targeting both.”

According to the charge sheet, 20 police officers fired a total of 84 rounds at these fleeing suspects.

Despite this, one youth was only shot in the leg and captured. The other managed to escape. Such an outcome after that many bullets defies logic and remains a glaring inconsistency in official records.

Ballistics and Forensic Reports Tell a Different Story

From the police FIR:
The militants communicated via an app called SureSpot installed on their mobile phones.

But according to the digital forensic experts analyzing the seized evidence, only basic call records were found:

• One Symphony A-10 mobile showed two missed calls, three dialed calls, and three received calls.

• Another SIM had ten call log entries.

• The two seized pen drives and the broken parts of Symphony V-50 and V-52 phones could not be analyzed due to technical unreadability.

Conclusion: Police failed to produce any significant digital evidence in their forensic report.

Source of the Weapons According to Police

Police claim that weapons were delivered to the flat by other operatives:

• Mamunur Rashid Ripon, Hadisur Rahman Sagar, and Aslam Hossain alias Rashid alias Rash delivered pistols and sufficient ammunition to Tamim Ahmed Chowdhury at Jahajbari.

• Ripon took part in the planning and delivery. Sagar and Ripon also allegedly brought three AK-22 rifles, grenades, and two 7.62mm pistols with 12 rounds of bullets from Chapainawabganj.

Police further allege that:

• Abdus Sabur Khan alias Sohel Mahfuz, via contacts in India, sourced the arms and grenades and handed them over to “Chhoto Mizan.”

• Chhoto Mizan and Aslam Hossain transported the weapons to Tamim Chowdhury in Dhaka.

One AK-22 rifle, police claimed, was used during the incident. But they also stated that the same rifle was taken away by a fleeing militant—a contradiction within their own narrative.

Ballistics experts concluded:
The four seized firearms were improvised local pistols.

A retired Major from the Bangladesh Army, speaking anonymously to Amar Desh, said:
“With such locally-made pistols, it is impossible to engage in an all-night firefight with police. This is a complete fairy tale.”

All Bodies Were Shot from Behind

According to Dr. Sohel Mahmud, Associate Professor of Forensic Medicine at Dhaka Medical College:

• All nine bodies bore signs of multiple gunshot wounds.

• All were shot from the back.

• Each body had seven to eight bullet wounds.

• Seven bullets were retrieved from four bodies, while the others had signs of bullet entry but no bullets inside.

Conclusion: All victims died from gunshots—fired from behind.

Yet police claimed there was a face-to-face gunfight. They also claimed that the dead had pistols and knives in their hands—even though they had been shot from the back multiple times.

Many Families Are Still Missing

One of the deceased, Motiur Rahman, was from Omarpur village, Dhandia Union, under Patkelghata Police Station. He worked at a garment factory in Dhaka. His father Nasir Uddin is a farmer.

On November 6, Amar Desh reporters found Nasir catching shrimp fry near a small pond. The elderly man had no shirt, a lungi tied up, a towel around his head, and the weather-beaten face of a man broken by life.

When asked about his son being labeled a militant by police, he instantly replied, “No. My son wasn’t a militant. After killing my son, police took me to Dhaka. They detained me for 13–14 days. Later, they said, ‘Your son wasn’t a militant.’ The OC, DC—one police officer kept me at his house for 13–14 days. Even he said nothing.”

He said police never let him see his son’s body. It was buried at night, 28 days after the killing.

He added that 1.5 to 2 years after the incident, he tried to file a murder case in Satkhira court—but the court refused to accept it. Afterwards, police frequently came to his house.

Motiur’s aunt Nurunnahar, who raised him, said: “He was a good boy. Helped with the family. Sometimes led prayers in the area. Went out with the Tablighi Jamaat. Police killed him and didn’t return the body. We wanted the body.”

Motiur’s uncle Enayet Morol added: “They didn’t give us the body! His father wasn’t even shown the body. He begged them to let him see the corpse. They didn’t allow it.”

Another Victim: Rayhan alias Rayhanul Kabir alias Tarek (20)

He was from Rangpur and had gone missing 15–20 days before his death. He worked at a garment factory in Dhaka with his sister.

His cousin Shakil told Amar Desh,
“Imagine the level of poverty where a brother and sister have to work together in a garment factory in Dhaka.”

He added, “Rayhan’s face was disfigured. Police took my aunt and uncle to Dhaka, saying they would return the body. Instead, they made them sign a paper saying they didn’t want it. Police even took 10,000 taka from them for travel. My uncle mortgaged land for that.”

“We couldn’t protest because we were very poor. After the incident, no men could stay at home. Everyone was terrified. If police suspected anyone, they’d arrest them and falsely accuse them of being JMB.”

Rayhan’s family had two brothers and two sisters. He was in his second year of college. After his death, the family was devastated. The elder brother now lives separately.

Another Victim: Motaleb alias Abdullah (23)

He was from an extremely poor family in Dinajpur.

On November 2, Amar Desh spoke with Mohammad Nurul, Motaleb’s elder brother, a day-laborer and mason by trade.

“I’m a mason. I never studied. My brother studied at a madrasa. He used to come home during vacations. After his death, police came to our area. I went to Dhaka. I saw the body, but we couldn’t bring it home,” Nurul said.

He added, “We are very poor. We didn’t have the courage to question what the police said.”

Another Victim: Taj-ul-Haq alias Rashiq (25)

His father is Robiul Haque (66).

On October 31, Amar Desh visited the apartment named “Dhanmondi Pride” in Dhaka, once home to Robiul.

A security guard at the building said:
“Robiul Haque left long ago after the incident. The entire family vanished from public life after that tragedy.”

Another Victim: Sejad Rouf alias Arko (24)

Amar Desh attempted to trace his family at their Bashundhara address, but no relatives were found.

Another Victim: Jubayer Hossain (20)

He was from Noakhali. It is now reported that no one from his family remains in the area.

One Youth Was Buried as ‘Unidentified’

One of the nine victims was buried by police as an unknown person.

“I Remember Nothing” — The Investigating Officer

Despite the mention of repeated “grenade attacks” in police reports, the investigating officer Inspector Md. Jahangir Alam of the Counter Terrorism Unit told Amar Desh:
“I don’t remember anything about the grenades.”

When asked, “In such a major case involving grenade attacks, seizures, you don’t remember anything?”
He replied, “You can look at the docket.”

When pressed again: “You were the investigating officer and submitted the charge sheet. You don’t remember anything?”
He repeated, “No, I don’t remember anything.”

On November 26, Amar Desh contacted Inspector Jahangir by mobile phone. He is no longer with the CTTC unit.

Asked multiple times about the grenades, he responded with the same line:
“I don’t remember anything about grenades.”

When asked, “Do you remember recovering any unexploded grenades?”
He said, “No. You can check the case documents.”

When asked, “Was any part of an exploded grenade recovered?”
“No, don’t remember. Please check the docket.”

“Why are grenades not listed in the seizure list?”

“I don’t remember anything. Please see the documents.”

When asked if he received a promotion after the incident, he replied:
“No. I didn’t get promoted.”

During the call, he sounded extremely fearful.

Who Were Involved in the Operation? Where Are They Now?

The main architects of the operation include:

• Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) AKM Shahidul Hoque

• Former DMP Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia

• Then Additional Deputy Police Commissioner of Mirpur Division, Jasim Uddin Molla

All are now imprisoned on charges related to the July Genocide.

The main planner of the Kallyanpur killings, then-CTTC Chief Monirul Islam, is currently a fugitive after the July Genocide.

The investigating officer of the Kallyanpur case, Inspector Jahangir Alam, is now posted with the Comilla Highway Police.

Masud Ahmed, the Deputy Commissioner of Police in Mirpur who led the operation, was later posted as Additional DIG in Chattogram. A subsequent order reassigned him as Additional Commissioner in Rangpur, but as of December 1, he had not joined the post.

When Amar Desh contacted DIG Aminul Islam of Rangpur Range on December 1, he said:
“Masud Ahmed has been ordered to report here (Rangpur). But he has not yet joined. He may report once released from CMP.”

When contacted, CMP Commissioner Hasib Aziz did not answer the phone or respond to WhatsApp messages. Reliable sources suggest Masud Ahmed’s last known location is in the Dhaka Cantonment area.

According to Amar Desh’s investigation, Masud Ahmed is currently in hiding.

Widespread Public Doubt During the Operation

The then-CTTC chief Monirul Islam, who later became SB Chief during the July Genocide, claimed after the raid:
“The residents of that flat were chanting slogans all night in favor of jihad. An ISIS flag and lots of extremist literature were found. Do we need research to prove they were militants?”

At the time, netizens raised serious questions:

• “How could militants fire for hours with only four pistols?”

• “Is black panjabi and jeans the standard uniform of militants?”

• “Would militants attack with vegetable knives?”

• “Do militants wear black panjabi 24 hours a day?”

One viral photo showed six or seven bodies crammed together. Another showed a corpse holding a fruit-cutting knife.

Netizens asked,
“If shot, how could the hand still be gently holding the knife? With a wounded hand, how did a dead man not drop the apple-cutting knife in agony?”

They also questioned:
“In such a big operation, only one side had casualties. The other didn’t suffer even a scratch?”

Police Statements Contradicted by Their Own Evidence

At 8:00 AM, just after the killing of the nine youths, DMP Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia visited the scene and told journalists:
“We don’t yet know their identities, but judging by their dress and appearance, they seem highly educated.”

Question:
How can someone claim a person is “highly educated” based solely on their clothing?

Mia also said:
“The militants hurled grenades at the police.”

But no media report showed signs of grenade damage, and no grenade was listed in the seizure list.

Netizens noted:
“The militants were inside a closed room with barely any windows. The windows were shut. From such a room, their slogans were supposedly heard from nearby streets? How’s that possible?”

Photos released later showed all bodies in ISIS uniforms.

According to police, the nine militants wore black panjabis and a special type of turban. Some had backpacks. Most wore sneakers.

Police also claimed that:

• The militants threw 11 grenades at police

• Fired extensively all night

• After the raid, four pistols, 22 bullets, 23 grenades, some knives and swords, and 5 kilograms of explosives were recovered

But none of these grenades were ever recorded in the seizure list.

How could nine men, with just four pistols, fight for hours against hundreds of armed police?

Even in the Holey Artisan attack, police claimed that only two grenades had killed OC Salauddin and DB AC Rabiul Karim.

Then how, in Jahajbari, 11 grenades didn’t injure a single officer?

Expert Opinion

Professor Muhammad Umar Faruq, Chairman of the Department of Criminology and Police Science at Mawlana Bhashani Science and Technology University, told Amar Desh:

“If grenades were thrown, there would definitely be structural or material evidence—like splinters, internal components. With so many grenades thrown, even the building would show damage. But was that the case?”

He added,
“The kind of assault police described should have resulted in heavy police casualties. But nothing of that sort happened. I believe what happened in the name of militancy was nothing but a staged drama.”

Legal Experts Speak Out

The day after the operation, Inspector Md. Shahjahan Alam filed a case under the Anti-Terrorism Act at Mirpur Model Police Station. Ten people were named as accused. Despite the passage of many years, the trial never began.

According to court sources, the charge sheet was submitted on December 5, 2018. The case was forwarded to the Dhaka Special Anti-Terrorism Tribunal.

Supreme Court lawyer Sheikh Omar told Amar Desh:
“In such a high-profile case, the fascist regime deliberately kept the trial from beginning. The prosecution lawyers appointed by this dictatorial government perhaps intentionally left it to die.”

Another Supreme Court lawyer, Shahriar Mahmud, said:
“So many inconsistencies in one case clearly indicate a fabricated, false case. This is a glaring example of state-sponsored criminality.”

He added:
“If Dil Mohammad was first injured in a grenade blast, how could he later shoot a suspect escaping through a cornice?”

Advocate Shahriar also said:
“When two suspects tried to escape from the fifth floor, the building was surrounded by law enforcement. Dodging so many bullets and escaping reminds one of a Masud Rana thriller. Witnesses say they saw grenades during evidence collection, but there are none in the seizure list. That’s a blatant sign of fabrication.”

What Is Taj Manzil Like Now?

On November 10, Amar Desh visited Taj Manzil, widely known as “Jahajbari.” The caretaker, Sabina Shahnaz, said:
“I joined in 2018 after that incident. The house owner passed away in 2018. His wife is elderly. The son lives in America. All tenants here now are new.”

None of the local people listed as witnesses by police were found at their recorded addresses.